Hiển thị các bài đăng có nhãn justice. Hiển thị tất cả bài đăng
Hiển thị các bài đăng có nhãn justice. Hiển thị tất cả bài đăng

Thứ Ba, 19 tháng 3, 2013

Call for justice opens Guatemala ex-leader trial

GUATEMALA CITY (AP) — The trial of Guatemala's former U.S.-backed dictator will offer the victims of the country's decades-long civil war the chance to tell the truth about the devastating conflict, the lawyer for the victims said Tuesday.

Gen. Efrain Rios Montt sat facing a group of victims and their families as his trial opened in a Guatemala City courtroom. His daughter, Zury Rios, sat in the first row, two seats from Nobel Peace Prize winner Rigoberta Menchu, who was there in support of the victims.

Rios Montt is accused of genocide and crimes against humanity for his role in the conflict between the right-wing government and leftist guerrillas, a civil war that left some 200,000 people dead.

"Through this trial the victims can tell you their story, the truth that they've carried for more than 30 years, truth that some officials today want to deny," victims' lawyer Edgar Perez told the judges who will rule on the case.

Moments before the trial began, Rios Montt's legal team quit and was replaced by a new attorney, who filed a series of unsuccessful motions attempting to block the trial on procedural grounds.

Prosecutors acknowledge that there is no smoking gun in the case files, no direct order from Guatemala's then-military dictator to carry out the slaughter of civilians during one of the bloodiest phases of the country's long civil war.

In its absence, prosecutors hope to painstakingly prove through a detailed recreation of the military chain of command that Rios Montt must have had knowledge of the massacres of Ixil Mayan Indians and others in the Guatemalan highlands. Because he held absolute power over the U.S.-backed military government, his failure to stop the slaughter is proof of his guilt, prosecutors and lawyers for victims say.

"No one ever heard a speech in which he said, 'Kill the Ixils, exterminate the Ixils.' Jose Efrain Rios Montt never gave a written or verbal order to exterminate the Ixils in this country," defense attorney Francisco Garcia Gudiel told the court.

Rios Montt seized power in a March 23, 1982 coup, and ruled until he himself was overthrown just over a year later. Prosecutors say that while in power he was aware of, and thus responsible for, the slaughter by subordinates of at least 1,771 Ixil Mayas in San Juan Cotzal, San Gaspar Chajul and Santa Maria Nebaj, towns in the Quiche department of Guatemala's western highlands.

Those military offensives were part of a brutal, decades-long counterinsurgency against a leftist uprising that brought massacres in the Mayan heartland where the guerrillas were based.

Being tried with Rios Montt is Jose Rodriguez Sanchez, 68, a former high-ranking member of the military chiefs of staff.

On Tuesday morning, indigenous activists protested outside in support of the victims. Showing support for the accused outside the court were former members of government-backed paramilitary groups blamed for many of the killings.


View the original article here

Thứ Năm, 14 tháng 3, 2013

Death coming before justice for Khmer Rouge regime

PHNOM PENH, Cambodia (AP) — Decades after Cambodia's brutal Khmer Rouge movement oversaw the deaths of 1.7 million people by starvation, overwork and execution, the regime's imprisoned top leaders are escaping justice one by one. How? Old age.

Thursday's death of 87-year-old Ieng Sary, foreign minister under the Khmer Rouge, has fueled urgent calls among survivors and rights groups for the country's U.N.-backed tribunal to expedite proceedings against the increasingly frail and aging leaders of the radical communist group, which ruled Cambodia from 1975 to 1979.

Ieng Sary's wife, former Social Affairs Minister Ieng Thirith, was ruled unfit to stand trial last year because she has a degenerative mental illness consistent with Alzheimer's disease. Only two top Khmer Rouge leaders — ex-head of state Khieu Samphan, who is 81, and the movement's former chief ideologist, Nuon Chea, who is 86 — remain on trial for charges they carried out some of the 20th century's most horrific crimes.

There are growing fears that both men could die before a verdict is rendered. Both are frail with high blood pressure and have suffered strokes.

"The defendants are getting old, and the survivors are getting old," said Bou Meng, one of the few Cambodians to survive Tuol Sleng prison, known as S-21, where up to 16,000 people were tortured and killed during the Khmer Rouge era. "The court needs to speed up its work."

"I have been waiting for justice for nearly 40 years," Bou Meng, 70, told The Associated Press. "I never thought it would take so long."

When the Khmer Rouge captured Phnom Penh in April 1975, they began moving an estimated 1 million people — even hospital patients — from the capital into the countryside in an effort to create a communist agrarian utopia.

By the time the bizarre experiment ended in 1979 with an invasion by Vietnamese troops, an estimated 1.7 million people had died in Cambodia, which had a population of only about 7 million at the time. Most died from starvation, medical neglect, slave-like working conditions and execution under the Maoist regime. Their bodies were dumped in shallow mass graves that still dot the countryside.

The tribunal, officially known as the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia, was tasked with seeking justice for crimes committed during that era.

The court was 10 years in the making and opened in 2006. But despite some $150 million in funding, it has so far convicted only one defendant: Kaing Guek Eav, also known as Duch, the commandant of S-21 prison.

Duch was sentenced in 2010 to 35 years in prison for war crimes and crimes against humanity. The sentence was reduced to a 19-year term because of time previously served and other technicalities, a move that sparked angry criticism from victims who said it was too lenient. Cambodia has no death penalty.

Several other major Khmer Rouge figures died before the court even existed, including supreme leader Pol Pot in 1998.

Ieng Sary's death was no surprise given his age and ailing health, said Ou Virak, who heads the Cambodian Center for Human Rights. But "given the fact that the other two defendants are also in their 80s, it should act as a wake-up call to all concerned — the Cambodian government, the U.N., the international donors and the tribunal itself — that these cases need to be expedited urgently so that justice can be served."

"The whole future of the tribunal is currently in limbo, and the possibility that hundreds of millions of dollars will have been wasted is now a very real threat," Ou Virak said. "Most importantly, though, if all three die before their guilt or innocence can be determined, then the Cambodian people will quite understandably feel robbed of justice."

The court has been criticized before for the sluggish pace of proceedings. But one of its prosecutors, William Smith, said the trial has taken time because the indictments are lengthy and the list of alleged crimes long.

The tribunal has been dogged by other problems, including funding shortages from international donors. Earlier this month, Cambodian translators angry that they had gone without pay for three months went on strike just before the court was to hear testimony from two foreign experts.

Tribunal spokesman Neth Pheaktra said Thursday that the interpreters would all return to work this week after the court administrator promised that they would get paid. But he added that the translators have threatened to strike again if they are not paid by month's end.

In recent years, the tribunal has also been hit by infighting and angry resignations by foreign judges over whether to try more Khmer Rouge defendants on war crimes charges. Prime Minister Hun Sen, who has ruled Cambodia since 1985, has warned that no more trials will be allowed. Many former members of the Khmer Rouge, including Hun Sen himself, hold important positions in the current government.

After Ieng Sary's death, Human Rights Watch issued a statement blaming Hun Sen for denying justice.

"(He) asked the United Nations in 1997 for assistance in holding Khmer Rouge leaders accountable - and since then has done everything in his power to stymie the tribunal's work," said Brad Adams, Asia director for the rights group. "Hun Sen bears primary responsibility for denying justice to the victims of Ieng Sary's atrocities."

The trial against Ieng Sary, his wife and the last two accused senior Khmer Rouge leaders alive began jointly in 2011. All have denied guilt for any crimes and have said they acted in Cambodians' best interest during the radical communist movement's rule.

Lars Olsen, another tribunal spokesman, said Thursday that "we understand that many probably are disappointed with the fact that we cannot complete the proceedings against Ieng Sary, and therefore we cannot determine" whether he is guilty or innocent of the charges against him.

But it's important to remember, he said, that the case against Nuon Chea and Khieu Samphan "is not over." He said it would not be affected by Ieng Sary's death and proceedings will continue on schedule.

Youk Chhang, director of the Documentation Center of Cambodia, an independent group gathering evidence of the Khmer Rouge crimes for the tribunal, said Ieng Sary's death "carries little value for the regime's victims, who patiently wait to see justice done."

Ieng Sary died early Thursday at a Phnom Penh hospital, where he was admitted earlier this month suffering from weakness and fatigue. He suffered heart failure, said one of the prosecutors in his case, Chea Leang, who added that under Cambodian law, all charges against him will now officially be dropped.

Yim Sopheak, a 47-year-old street vendor who said the Khmer Rouge regime had executed her parents, said Ieng Sary "deserved to die in prison, not in a hospital. He should have died in the same way as he executed my parents and other people."

Yi Chea, a 72-year-old flower seller who says her husband and other relatives were also killed during Khmer Rouge rule, said she was happy Ieng Sary was gone. But, she added that "he did not deserve to die naturally like this."

Tribunal hearings resume on March 25, said Neth Pheaktra. Foreign medical experts are due to testify on the health status of Nuon Chea, to determine whether the ailing ex-leader is still fit to continue to stand trial.

___

Pitman reported from Bangkok.


View the original article here

For Cambodia, worries that death may beat justice

PHNOM PENH, Cambodia (AP) — Decades after Cambodia's brutal Khmer Rouge movement oversaw the deaths of 1.7 million people by starvation, overwork and execution, the regime's imprisoned top leaders are escaping justice one by one. How? Old age.

Thursday's death of 87-year-old Ieng Sary, foreign minister under the Khmer Rouge, is fueling urgent calls among survivors and rights groups for the country's U.N.-backed tribunal to expedite proceedings against the increasingly frail and aging leaders of the radical communist group, which ruled Cambodia from 1975 to 1979.

Ieng Sary's wife, former Social Affairs Minister Ieng Thirith, was ruled unfit to stand trial last year because she suffered from a degenerative mental illness consistent with Alzheimer's disease. Now, only two people — ex-head of state Khieu Samphan, who is 81, and the movement's former chief ideologist Nuon Chea, who is 86 — remain on trial for their alleged roles in some of the 20th century's most horrific crimes.

There are growing fears that both men could die before a verdict is rendered. Both are frail with high blood pressure, and have suffered strokes.

"The defendants are getting old, and the survivors are getting old," said Bou Meng, one of the few Cambodians to survive Tuol Sleng prison, known as S-21, where up to 16,000 people were tortured and killed during the Khmer Rouge era. "The court needs to speed up its work."

"I have been waiting for justice for nearly 40 years," Bou Meng, who is 70, told The Associated Press. "I never thought it would take so long."

When the Khmer Rouge captured Phnom Penh in April 1975, they began moving an estimated 1 million people — even hospital patients — from the capital into the countryside in an effort to create a communist agrarian utopia.

By the time the bizarre experiment ended in 1979 with an invasion by advancing Vietnamese troops, an estimated 1.7 million people had died in Cambodia, which had only about 7 million people at the time. Most of the dead were victims of starvation, medical neglect, slave-like working conditions and execution under the Maoist regime. Their bodies were dumped in shallow mass graves that still dot the countryside.

The tribunal, officially known as the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia, was tasked with seeking justice for crimes committed during that era.

The court, which was 10 years in the making, began operations in 2006. But despite some $150 million in funding, it has so far convicted only one defendant: Kaing Guek Eav, also known as Duch, the commandant of S-21 prison.

Duch was sentenced in 2010 to 35 years in prison for war crimes and crimes against humanity. The sentence was reduced to a 19-year term because of time previously served and other technicalities, a move that sparked angry criticism from victims who said it was too lenient. Cambodia has no death penalty.

Several other major Khmer Rouge figures died before the court even existed, including supreme leader Pol Pot in 1998.

Ieng Sary's death was no surprise given his age and ailing health, said Ou Virak, who heads the Cambodian Center for Human Rights. But "given the fact that the other two defendants are also in their 80s, it should act as a wake-up call to all concerned — the Cambodian government, the U.N., the international donors and the tribunal itself — that these cases need to be expedited urgently so that justice can be served."

"The whole future of the tribunal is currently in limbo, and the possibility that hundreds of millions of dollars will have been wasted is now a very real threat," Ou Virak said. "Most importantly, though, if all three die before their guilt or innocence can be determined, then the Cambodian people will quite understandably feel robbed of justice."

The tribunal has been dogged by other problems, including funding shortages from international donors. Earlier this month, Cambodian translators angry that they had gone without pay for three months went on strike just before the court was to hear testimony from two foreign experts.

Tribunal spokesman Neth Pheaktra said Thursday the interpreters will all return to work this week after the court administrator promised that they will get paid. But he added that the translators have threatened to strike again if they are not paid by month's end.

In recent years, the tribunal has also been hit by infighting and angry resignations by foreign judges over whether to try more Khmer Rouge defendants on war crimes charges. Prime Minister Hun Sen, who has ruled Cambodia since 1985, has warned that no more trials will be allowed. Many former members of the Khmer Rouge, including Hun Sen himself, hold important positions in the current government.

The trial against Ieng Sary, his wife and the last two accused senior Khmer Rouge leaders alive began jointly in 2011. All have denied guilt for their roles during the radical communist movement's rule.

Lars Olsen, another tribunal spokesman, said on Thursday that "we are disappointed that we could not complete the proceeding against Ieng Sary." But he said the case against Nuon Chea and Khieu Samphan will continue and will not be affected by the death.

Youk Chhang, director of the Documentation Center of Cambodia, an independent group gathering evidence of the Khmer Rouge crimes for the tribunal, said Ieng Sary's death "carries little value for the regime's victims, who patiently wait to see justice done."

Ieng Sary died early Thursday under the care of doctors at a Phnom Penh hospital, where he was admitted earlier this month suffering from weakness and fatigue. He suffered fatal cardiac failure, said one of the prosecutors in his case, Chea Leang, who added that under Cambodian law, all charges against him will now officially be dropped.

Yim Sopheak, a 47-year-old street vendor who said the Khmer Rouge regime had executed her parents, said Ieng Sary "deserved to die in prison, not in a hospital. He should have died in the same way as he executed my parents and other people."

Yi Chea, a 72-year-old flower seller who says her husband and other relatives were also killed during Khmer Rouge rule, said she was happy Ieng Sary was gone. But, she added that "he did not deserve to die naturally like this."

Tribunal hearings resume on March 25, said Neth Pheaktra. Foreign medical experts are due to testify on the health status of Nuon Chea, to determine whether the ailing ex-leader is fit to stand trial.

___

Pitman reported from Bangkok.


View the original article here

Thứ Hai, 11 tháng 3, 2013

Ivory Coast troubled by one-sided justice

NIAMBLY, Ivory Coast (AP) — One day in late March 2011, at the height of Ivory Coast's postelection violence, a 23-year-old cocoa farmer was shot in the back by unknown gunmen and left for dead on the outskirts of Niambly, a village of 400 mud-brick houses three kilometers outside the western town of Duekoue.

In response, the village's roughly 3,000 residents decided it was no longer safe and began to flee. According to village chief Gabriel Tahe, nearly all of them ended up in Duekoue's Carrefour neighborhood, inhabited mainly by fellow members of the Guere ethnic group.

With this move, Niambly's residents unwittingly placed themselves at the center of the deadliest episode of the conflict, which erupted after former President Laurent Gbagbo refused to step down despite losing the November 2010 runoff vote to current President Alassane Ouattara.

Days later, on March 29, pro-Ouattara fighters including soldiers, militiamen and traditional hunters tore through Carrefour, killing hundreds. Many of the victims were men from the Guere ethnic group, which largely supported Gbagbo in the disputed vote. At least 30 were confirmed Niambly residents, said Chief Tahe.

The trouble for Niambly did not stop there. After the conflict ended and Ouattara took office in May 2011, 800 residents of the village were settled in a United Nations-guarded camp for people displaced by the fighting. In an attack last July that underscored persistent tensions in the region, the camp was overrun by a mob assisted by traditional hunters, known as dozos, and soldiers from Ouattara's army, the Republican Forces of Ivory Coast. Nearly the entire camp was burned to the ground and at least eight people were killed, including two from Niambly, according to Chief Tahe. Rights groups suspect the total was higher.

Today, around two-thirds of Niambly's residents have returned to the village, rebuilding homes that were still salvageable after the fighting ended; some homes remain little more than rubble. But while many residents said they were ready to move on from the conflict, which claimed more than 3,000 lives nationwide, they described lingering fears about the pro-Ouattara forces that took part in the attacks against them.

The violence inflicted on Niambly residents, apparently with impunity, shows the problem of one-sided justice that is troubling Ivory Coast. Two years after the postelection violence, only supporters of former president Gbagbo have been charged for crimes, although it is widely acknowledged that abuses were committed on both sides. The Ivorian judiciary has charged and detained 55 Gbagbo loyalists for violent crimes.

Meanwhile, violence continues to be inflicted on some Gbagbo supporters with impunity, according to human rights groups who say the situation is preventing reconciliation in the country.

Amnesty International issued a report Tuesday criticizing Ouattara's government for not enforcing the rule of law even-handedly.

The International Criminal Court took Laurent Gbagbo into custody in November 2011 and has also unsealed an arrest warrant for his wife, Simone, who remains in Ivorian custody. For the past two weeks the ICC heard arguments over whether or not to confirm charges against Laurent Gbagbo.

Tahe, 83, said the one-sided nature of the justice process so far was stoking resentment in Niambly and other pro-Gbagbo villages in the area that suffered similar traumas.

"If two people get into a fight and damage someone's property, then normally they both should pay," Tahe said. "If just one pays, this can create some problems between them later. It's the same thing for Ivory Coast. If one side does not pay its bill, this will eventually create more trouble for the country."

Ouattara has repeatedly vowed that all perpetrators of crimes committed during the postelection conflict will be punished, regardless of affiliation. But for residents of Niambly, the president's words do not square with the lack of prosecutions.

In addition, soldiers and dozo hunters still operate both official and illegal checkpoints in and around Duekoue, meaning that each day Niambly's residents must present identity papers — and often pay bribes — to pro-Ouattara fighters in order to go to their cocoa farms or venture into town.

Some analysts have speculated that Ouattara believes the security risks are too great to allow charges to be filed against his military backers. In a briefing prepared this month for the U.S. Institute of Peace, researcher Tobias Koepf suggested these concerns were legitimate.

"If Ouattara tries to strip them of their positions and power too quickly, there is a risk that they will turn their back against him, which could worsen the security situation instead of improving it," Koepf said.

Julien Kpahi, a Niambly resident, says the government's response to the July attack on the U.N.-guarded camp suggested that impunity for Ouattara fighters had extended well beyond the postelection conflict. Kpahi managed to flee the camp on the day of the attack, but his younger brother, Amede Bonde, did not, and Kpahi later heard that he had been taken into military custody.

On Oct. 11, officials discovered a mass grave in Duekoue containing six bodies. The bodies were men who had been shot by the military after the raid on the camp, said The International Federation for Human Rights, which had representatives at the scene, citing the preliminary results of autopsies and other evidence.

Kpahi said he believes one of the men in the well was his younger brother, saying clothing worn by Bonde the day of the attack had been found nearby. Although Kpahi submitted statements to local officials, he said he has received no update on the investigation.

The local prosecutor originally in charge of the investigation told The Associated Press that it had been transferred and that he could not provide an update. Justice Ministry officials did not respond to several requests for comment.

Kpahi said he was worried he might never learn what became of his brother. "Our executioners are still with us here," he said. "If their actions are protected by the authorities, it will be difficult for us to know anything about what happened."


View the original article here